Le gauchisme, maladie sénile du communisme (French Edition)

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But if the maneuvers of these backward disciples of Lenin occasionally succeeded in preventing action and even discussion, the main danger derived, in fact, from the anti-bureaucratic mystique that characterized the overwhelming majority of the student-worker liaison committee.

Literally traumatized by the repressive role of the political and trade union apparatuses, ignorant or hardly aware of the realities of the class struggle, these comrades came to believe that all forms of organization were by nature bureaucratic. Any attempt to clearly formulate the objectives of the movement encountered indifference or open hostility.

As a political organization, it took the form of a daily general assembly, in which hours and hours were lost in discussions without rhyme or reason, which would have bored the most indulgent listeners. Not to speak, in these conditions, of arriving at any kind of collective conclusion: voting on precise proposals would have been just as inconceivable as a striptease held in the town square by the novices of a convent.

The inevitable counterpart of this madcap spontaneity is that, somehow, decisions were made, but by minorities that acted in a more or less clandestine manner and who then presented the rest of the assembly with a fait accompli. It is true that, amidst this cacophony, the voice of the revolutionaries was sometimes heard; but it was, certainly, only by way of debatable methods.

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It was only during the final phase of the strike, when the retreat had already begun, that the committee could really begin to make its influence felt. Meeting daily to evaluate the situation and to make democratic decisions about what action should be taken, the Committee performed a propaganda role that, despite having been undertaken too late in the strike, at least had the merit of clarity. Until the end, the militants of the Inter-Enterprise Committee tried to oppose the cessation of the strike, or strove to get the workers to go back on strike, whether in their own enterprises or by helping their other comrades.

Once the strike was over and the university buildings were reoccupied by the police, the Committee decided to continue its activity, and met once a week.

Le gauchisme, remède à la maladie sénile du communisme (Book, ) [hosballcolcintvir.tk]

Despite the vacation season the meetings took place as planned, sometimes with even more than one hundred participants. But in the autumn, the signs of a crisis began to appear. Once the illusions regarding an immediate resumption of the general strike had dissipated, the Committee faced the alternative of either disappearing, or else defining tasks and objectives that transcended the immediate situation. Unfortunately, most of the participants would prove to be incapable of dealing with such a situation.

The meetings revolved around the reports in which, on the pretext of bringing the other Committee members up to date, workers from different enterprises related, one after the other, that nothing of note was happening in their factories. Sometimes a discussion began, occasionally about an important theme of revolutionary theory, but it soon came to an end due to a lack of interest and of seriousness on the part of the participants. There is no doubt that the Committee contributed a certain amount of material aid to the militants in the enterprises, for the printing and distribution of pamphlets.

But this activity did not in fact involve more than a minority of those who attended the meetings. All the attempts on the part of the Inter-Enterprise Committee to elaborate a formulation of the political foundations of its action, and the definition of this action—for example, the publication of a bulletin, the organization of a series of discussions, etc. However, the meetings continued to be held in an environment of increasing unease, the number of those who attended the meetings inexorably declined, and increasingly larger numbers of comrades posed the question of the usefulness of the Committee.

In one last gasp effort, towards the end of February, the Committee marshaled enough initiative to decide that, in mid-March, it would host a discussion concerning these basic problems on the basis of texts prepared by the participants themselves. But, on the day of the announced meeting, there was only one text, presented by the comrades grouped around The Class Struggle. There was nothing left to do except to affirm the demise of the Committee during what was, effectively, its last meeting.

For their part, the comrades of The Class Struggle decided to take their text as the starting point for a platform on which their subsequent action would be based the final draft of this text was soon completed. The objective of GLAT was and still is the theoretical and practical definition of an anti-capitalist activity and therefore anti-bureaucratic activity as well that for us is identified with the organization of the workers at the rank and file level rank and file committees, according to the terminology of May. Unlike the pseudo-revolutionaries who presented themselves as the future leadership of the working class, we think that the working class cannot be led in a revolutionary sense except by itself.

Unlike the liquidationists of revolutionary organization, we think that this principle must be propagated systematically by militants organized for this purpose. Propaganda of this kind was carried out by militants from Censier, but with very limited means. Intervening from the beginning and with more effective distribution, this organization might have been able to tip the balance at the decisive moment, a moment that might never recur. Those who today refuse to learn any lessons from the fiasco of May, those who reject the organization of revolutionaries not the organizations that say they are revolutionary, but those that are ready to fight for the power of the workers assemblies , bear a heavy responsibility towards the working class.

No strategy confers the certainty of victory. But the strategy that consists of throwing away our weapons before the battle even begins does not even leave us the opportunity of escaping from an ignominious defeat. Baynac, Jacques. Le Printemp des enrages , Paris, Fayard, Cohn-Bendit, Daniel and Gabriel. Cohn-Bendit, Daniel. Le Grand Bazar , Paris, Belfond, Collective Authorship, Rhodacieta Dressen, Marmix. Dreyfus-Armand, G. Le temps de la contestation , Paris, Dubois, P.

Acteurs, pratiques, sens du mouvement de Mai , Paris, Anthropos, Friedmann, Georges. Le Travail en miettes , Paris, Gallimard, I, , ; Vol. II, , Gehin, L. Des voitures et des homes. Les Vingt ans de Renault-Sandouville , Paris, Grisoni, Dominique; Portelli, Hughes. Karila-Cohen, Pierre and Wilfert, Blais.

Lefranc, Georges. Leuwers, Jean-Marie. Un people se dresse. Lippolis, Mario. Mallet, Serge. Martelli, Roger. Mouriaux, R. I, Terrains ; Vol. Pesquet, Jacques. Poperen, Claude. Salini, Laurent.

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  • Report on the Current Situation Presented at the General Assembly at Censier on May 21, 9 […] Faced with the generalization of the struggle, the ruling class was capable of implementing two policies: the first is that of direct repression reconquest of the occupied enterprises by armed force and arrest of the strikers. The fact that the situation is not totally lost demands our intervention.

    Bibliography Baynac, Jacques. Benot, Yves.

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    • Dansette, Adrien. Mai 68 , Paris, Plon, Le Monde.

      Autres bases documentaires

      Talbo, J. After the end of the strike, militants of the RATP action committee published a pamphlet. When referring to the mainstream trade unions, the author uses the French word, retape , in an obvious play on words on RATP. This is where the strike began at RATP. This is an error: June 6 was a Thursday.

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      Excerpts published by Baynac, op. All the outer neighborhoods of the greater Paris region were, during this period, composed of industrial zones and neighborhoods inhabited by workers. There, the hegemony of the PCF was incontestable, on the municipal level as well. Posted By Alias Recluse Jan 12 Share Tweet.